Thursday, December 2, 2010

Cholera, a Deterrent to Child Trafficking


The irony of profitability

Cholera victim waiting for medical help
Lately, Haitians have experienced high levels of—what scholars have coined– psychological reactance. It is a reaction caused by the fear of losing something deemed valuable, in this particular case, their very lives. Naturally– when neighbors– friends, and family members—those still alive—keep dying of an invisible, highly contagious and seemingly uncontrollable disease, people react psychologically by taking greater risks or measures to prevent more lost. That would explain recent rioting, fleeing to the relatively inhospitable safety of the Dominican Republic and even killings, as some recent reports have indicated.
Similarly, this concept applies to the neighboring country of the Dominican Republic. The Haiti cholera case has demonstrated, if contracted, cholera could avalanche into a countrywide epidemic destroying as many lives on its path. Therefore, it is perfectly logical for Dominicans, too, to experience varying levels of psychological reactance; thus, compelling government officials to deploy available resources to border towns, an attempt to keep fleeing Haitians on their side of the fence.
Nevertheless, these preventative deployments, urgently needed in the months after the earthquake to prevent a massive flood of human trafficking on the border, could not be allocated complained government officials. Yet, facing the threat of cholera, troops flooded the Haitian/Dominican border with unprecedented urgency urging Haitians to keep their fatally infectious disease on their territory.
The office of Leonel Fernandez, president of the Dominican Republic, has offered some sympathetic plea about the exploitation of children: “The Dominican government deeply laments cases involving exploitation and trafficking of Haitian minors,” it wrote in an email to the Miami Herald claiming the administration “intensified border security, prosecutions and sanctions against smugglers.” The truth however, rested in Dominican immigration records, which the Herald indicated, have shown only two convictions since 2006 and none since 2007.
Traffickers smuggled 1,411 children out of the country one month after the earthquake, figures that increased sharply to more than 7,300 boys and girls through October. As the Herald as indicated, “Gen. Francisco Gil Ramirez, the then-director of CESFRONT border guards, challenged Herald reporters during an interview for proof that his guards had been bribed to let undocumented kids enter the country. But the general declined to watch videos shot by The Herald, where middle-men are seen taking cash from Haitians who cross the river and later hand it to CESFRONT guards.”
While both Haitians and Dominican governments have signed treaties and laws to combat the rampant child trafficking industry, a U.S. State Department report concluded, this year, that the Dominican Republic “does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so. »
In fact, neither government has seen the border plague as a compelling interest, admitted Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive to reporters of the Miami Herald. “There are people on the Haitian side who are profiting because they are the ones who organize the trafficking. The same on the Dominican side, » he articulated.
Evidently, this is not only a Dominican problem. Some minimal efforts from the Haitian government, even in the scarcity of resources, to strategically dispatch some forces to the most heavily trafficked area along the border could serve as a deterrence or at least significantly reduce the atrocities. After all, the Haitian government has the sole responsibility to protect its citizens. Its failure to offer tangible solutions to pursue the unscrupulous has not only facilitated trafficking, but also perpetuated the practice.
However, the hypocritical nature of the immediate preventive measures of Dominican officials should not be overlooked. When the neighbors complained about a lack of necessary resources to stop this lucrative, illicit commerce, in the face of a cholera epidemic, the same children are not good enough to even seek protection or at least find temporary shelters from the exploiters. While government allocated necessary resources and made appropriate, yet unpopular decisions to protect their citizenry from a potential cholera outbreak, Haitians could virtually do nothing to protect them from this disease deemed unfamiliar to the entire Western Continent.
As the mountain of circumstantial evidence about the origin of this cholera strand, « It very much likely did come either with peacekeepers or other relief personnel, » said John Mekalanos, Harvard University microbiology chair. « I don’t see there is any way to avoid the conclusion that an unfortunate and presumably accidental introduction of the organism occurred, » he later added. Meanwhile, cholera will keep accumulating Haitian lives absent any containment and/or developed immunity to it, like South Asian peacekeepers did during their summer outbreak. Official reports have confirmed 72,000 cholera cases in Haiti, including more than 2,000 fatalities.
Rapadoo,

Monday, November 22, 2010

Haiti and the Ethics of Care


A minority to reckon with
2010 Presidential candidate Mirlande Manigat
Port-au-Prince, Haiti– Meet the would be future President of Haiti– Mirlande Manigat–one of only two women presidential candidates among 17 others engaged in a relentless pursuit of the crumbled Haitian palace.
The most recent survey by Haiti’s independent Economic Forum, released late last week, revealed that Manigat of the Assembly of Progressive National Democrats (RDNP) has widened her lead over engineer Jude Celestin– President René Préval‘s protégé– to eight points, 30% to 22%. These results could be indicative of a 180-degree turn around from the incompetence and corruption the Haitian political élite has come to represent in favor of the care ethics model. This late 20-century school of thought attempted to deviate from traditional gender-based theories and principles that had trivialized or ignored virtues culturally associated with women.
Although Haiti has never elected a woman president, the idea is not revolutionary. In fact, another woman—Justice Ertha Pascal-Trouillot —held the highest office from 1990 through 1991 as the provisional President of Haiti. She had only been in office nine months when, on Dec. 16, 1990, she oversaw the elections of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, in what historians have called the first truly free elections in Haiti.

The Haitian electorate united under the banner of hope
Reflecting on these historical facts, political pundits wonder if it were a coincidence or simply a sense of misplaced nostalgia that the people of Haiti pushed Manigat passed her rivals at these late stages of the most critical elections of the country. When asked about her response to the cholera outbreak in a televised interview, she quickly replied: “I responded as a woman, a citizen, not as a candidate or politician.” She went on to emphasize the importance of not politicizing the cholera epidemic at the expense of the victims, in spite of the situation’s obvious political implications. Her populist, grandmotherly tone seemed to have resonated with Haitians, an electorate seeking a second coming of a messiah to restore their sovereignty and dignity.
Manigat is a well-respected, soft-spoken 70-year-old PhD scholar with an eye for fashion, but her opponents should not underestimate. She is ahead of Michel “Sweet Micky” Martely, arguably the most popular and genuine Haitian music star/entertainer who has been overtly critical of government throughout his career. Manigat is, in fact, not new to the political scene. She is a former first lady, wife of the 36th president of Haiti, Leslie Francois Manigat who was overthrown in a coup on June 20 1988, four months after his inaugural address.

2010 presidential candidate Josette Bijou
The other half of the minority, independent Anne-Marie Josette Bijou, 69, is running on a reformist platform. In an interview with Pierre-Raymond Dumas of Le Nouvelliste, she declared, “I have a reputation that inspires confidence. In the current state of the country, we seek a person of this caliber, someone who is trusted in all sectors of national life as well as in the international community. I am undoubtedly this person, who is able to share her past and her experiences.” Dr. Bijou, as she prefers to be called, is also a well-respected scholar with an impressive 43-year resume in the public health, including a two-year term as the Public Health Minister of Haiti beginning in 2004. On the campaign trail, she promised to deliver a new Haiti by 2025 through strategic reforms, among those: education, health care, infrastructure and, most importantly a rupture in the country’s dysfunctional political culture.
Evidently, politics and governmental bureaucracy are not foreign to either of these two candidates, yet if one follows their rhetoric, they draw a sharp contrast between the reigning gender-based philosophy of governance, a history of epic failures, to introduced a softer, yet resounding voice of genuine concern, compassion and a sense of duty. That philosophy, not far removed from what male candidates are preaching in this election cycle, seems– at least for the time being—to have resonated with the electorate making the two women a minority to reckon with. While the care ethics approach might be a relatively new paradigm in Haitian politics, it would seem captivating enough to perhaps make history inciting the first election of a woman president of Haiti who will oversee some $10 billion in reconstruction aid pledged by international donors.
Rapadoo,

Thursday, November 18, 2010

Lions, Sheep and Protection


It is Haiti, It is rape, it is UN peacekeepers and it is nothing new.

Peacekeeping patrol
Port-au-Prince, Haiti– At a time when uncertainties about upcoming Haitian elections are high, when anxieties over the cholera epidemic are rampant and prevalent rumors identifying peacekeepers as epidemic originators persist, the humanitarian organization must allocate resources to combat emerging rape allegations.
The Washington Times reported Tuesday on emerging rape accusations of teenage girls by UN peacekeepers in Haiti, most notably in the city of Leogane, some 25 miles west of Port-au-Prince. According to the article, her mother forbade then 15-year-old Natasha from filing an official complaint about the crime. Now 17, she accused a Sri Lankan peacekeeper of raping her two years ago. Reporters withheld Natasha’s real name to protect her identity.
Moreover, six years ago, in 2004, similar rape accusations of another 15-year-old involving a Brazilian peacekeeper surfaced among 33 other cases, which prompted an investigation by the UN peacekeeping mission. Polin Aleandre articulated, « There are likely many more cases. » She is a social worker that claims five street girls ages 9 to 13 received sexual advances from peacekeepers in front of the national palace. « Sex has a huge stigma in Haiti, and rape even more so. People don’t talk about it at all, » Aleandre added.
Notably, a plurality of sexual abuse scandals stormed the Un peacekeeping mission in Africa in 2008. Among scores of victims was Elizabeth, a 13-year-old girl from Ivory Coast. She recounted her ordeals to BBC News, « They grabbed me and threw me to the ground and they forced themselves on me… I tried to escape but there were 10 of them and I could do nothing, » she said.
Similar patterns recorded in Southern Sudan, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi are explicitly highlighted in “No One to Turn To,” a report published by Save the Children Fund in 2008. In spite of renewed commitments by the UN in recent years to address this plaguing problem, these vulnerabilities have tarnished the image of the humanitarian organization, once a viable solution to global crisis.
Denying the allegations, U.N. spokesperson David Wimhurst declared, after conducting three investigations, no substantiated evidence became known in Natasha’s charges. “We take it very seriously, » he argued. « Clearly, the majority of our people are behaving themselves, and indeed, since some of these allegations don’t pan out, I would say, it’s not a huge problem. » Meanwhile, the Washington Times’ report indicated since January 2004, the United Nations has investigated 319 peacekeepers for accusations of sexual abuse or exploitation, resulting in the repatriation of 144 military personnel, 17 police officers and 18 civilian officials.
After its investigation, Save the Children Fund recommended better reporting mechanism and the strengthening of worldwide protection systems. However, some activists insist that some victims are either too afraid or too intimidated by the U.N. bureaucracy to come forward.
These circumstances have raised legitimate concerns in Haitian communities who, according to some reports, have lost an estimated 3,000 children monthly to the Dominican Republic’s lucrative human trafficking market since Jan. 12, 2010.
Rapadoo,

Saturday, November 13, 2010

Democracy at Gunpoint


Looming Tropical Storm Thomas
Provisional Electoral Council
Port-au-Prince, Haiti– Haitians will be electing a president, 10 Senators and 99 members of parliament on November 28, 2010, 16 short days from now. Democracy must prevail; the Haitian Constitution, international community and fundamental democratic principles necessitate such peaceful transfer of power. However commonsensical, dubious observers question the legitimacy and wisdom of the Provisional Electoral Council’s decision and persistence.
Cholera victim waiting for medical assistance
Free and fair elections are vital to the survival of any vibrant democracy, but under these circumstances, should we even talk about fairness and freedom. First, there was the apocalyptic catastrophe that virtually turned the capital, surrounding areas into a war zone, snatched more than 330,000 lives, and left millions limbless and/or homeless. Second, the rainy season showed no more sympathy than the magnitude 7.0 earthquakes did on January 12, sometimes so forceful as to have flooded or even blown away feeble temporary shelters housing the victims. More recently, a Cholera outbreak has claimed its share of destruction killing accumulating as many as 800 deaths, hospitalizing more than 12,100 victims.
Interestingly, while the findings are inconclusive, yahoo news reported Wednesday the source of the outbreak might be UN peacekeepers. According to the Associated Pressarticle, the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) matched the Haitian cholera strand to strands found in South Asia, yet claimed that further investigation in the matter would derail efforts to fight the disease. Notably, Dr. Paul Farmer –a U.N. deputy special envoy to Haiti and expert on poverty and medicine– disagreed noting, « That sounds like politics to me, not science,” talking about the reluctance to unearth the roots of the outbreak. « Knowing where the point source is — or source, or sources — would seem to be a good enterprise in terms of public health, » he added.
Tropical storm Thomas delivered yet another devastating blow to the crippled nation, the latest of a tortuous series of phenomena that left little doubts about the impracticalities or the Haitian reality. At least 20 people lost their lives and thousands more made homeless due to massive flooding in the South
Aftermath of tropical storm Thomas
Western part of the country.
In all fairness to democracy, its ideals must live on and survive the darkest of natural and supernatural malice. Nevertheless, if sir democracy were wise, experience and logic would have revealed the improbabilities of a peaceful transfer of power, especially in an environment so ripe with uncertainties, anxiety and inconsistencies as Haiti.
Inarguably, the people of Haiti are courageous and have demonstrated, thus far, an unprecedented show of resiliency and restraint, absent any other alternatives. However, psychological strength does not translate to a readiness to reasonably elect a suitable president capable of leading them out of this hole. As demonstrated, since January 12, Haitians have been in survival mode witnessing their loved ones dying one after another. Therefore, engaging in any critical thinking process about the candidates and issues, required of an informed electorate, cannot be a priority. Nevertheless, Pierre-Louis Opont, director general of Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council, told Reuters, « On November 28, at 6 a.m., the polls will open.”
One of many voting signs encouraging voters to vote

Rather than a shortsighted quick fix, many have called for a more comprehensive approach to the 2010 elections. After all, as some loyalists have justifiably argued, if Haiti’s 206-year political history is any indication, its road to recovery is predictably inevitable.
Rapadoo,

Thursday, October 7, 2010

Beginning of the End

Anti-rape Campaign
Nine months after doom’s day, the Haitian consciousness is perplexed, traumatized and scattered. Reality has settled in: there will neither be Moses nor his wand at the sea of debris. Sparks of progress are sporadic, but gradually painting a postmodern, post-quake impression. In addition, Haitians grow increasingly wary of parliament and presidential elections on Nov. 28, 2010, which could mean another opportunity for a power grab given the frail state of the country. There is growing unrest in the displacement camps as the residents grow anxious over land disputes in the capital while other parts of the country have yet to see any pragmatic recovery efforts.
Nevertheless, the vulnerable and voiceless victims received some good news in September when Edmund Mulet, head of the U.N. stabilization mission in Haiti, announced the anti-rape campaign. He noted there was a public relations campaign currently under way to teach people how to prevent and respond to rapes and other sexual attacks. Among its various target publics is the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), which –Mulet noted– was undergoing additional training to handle rape and sexual violence at the camps.
Just over two years ago, on June 19, 2008, the U.N. Security Council unanimously adoptedResolution 1820 emphasizing, “rape and other forms of sexual violence can constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity or a constitutive act with respect to genocide.” The text of the resolution affirmed the Council’s readiness to, where necessary, adopt steps to address systematic sexual violence deliberately targeting civilians, or as a part of a widespread campaign against civilian populations. However, it has taken nine months and scores of women and children victims before Haiti saw the emergence of an anti-rape campaign.
Arguably, Haiti is not a “war-ravaged” country, yet the apocalyptic catastrophes are not dissimilar: piles of rubble make up the landscape, millions displaced in unsecured camps and thousands of women and children victimized by assailants. Furthermore, there are thousands of foreign military personnel roaming the streets and a government struggling to find itself. Mulet acknowledged the nearly impossible odds his forces face. Only a 200-member U.N. police force maintains a permanent presence in six especially high-risk camps housing 135,000 people, he complained to the Associated Press. Even with a highly trained MINUSTAH, such ratio does little to protect the victims and may even encourage criminal behaviors.
While a public relation campaign and training are essential to raise awareness and eventually help eradicate the problem, many complained that the initiative was shortsighted. The plan offered no details about apprehension and prosecution of perpetrators. There was no mention of the role the legislative body or any human right legislation. He made no reference about any coping mechanism to aid the victims with their post traumatic ordeals, many of who are pregnant teens. In addition, foreign peacekeepers could not respond to violent situations with any degree of certainty because of language barriers, another deterrent to tangible solutions. As U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice argued, efforts to stop sexual and gender-based violence « must be part of a wider effort to empower women throughout the reconstruction process. » She did however describe the plan as a ”positive” step in the right direction.
In a recent turn of events, many now blame post-quake conditions and institutional weaknesses for the resurgence of gang activities that are typical of governmental instability and election seasons in Haiti. The Aspen Daily News reported the kidnapping – at gunpoint– of Gilbert Chenet, a 50-year-old engineer for Mercy & Sharing on Sept. 14. Chenet’s role, in the wake of the earthquake, has been instrumental to the Aspen-based nonprofit organization. He oversaw rehabilitative processes of the organization’s damaged schools and orphanages. Two days later, Chenet was released after his family raised and paid a ransom to the kidnappers.
These troubling developments may be indicative of future criminal behavioral trends. In addition to the women and children at the camps, violence could spill over into the relief community, actions that could pose a grave threat to an already slow recovery process. Hence, any plan addressing these atrocities must be robust and capable of halting perilous circumstances years after the foreign forces leave Haiti. U.N. Ambassador Philip Parham echoed those sentiments saying the U.N force « must continue to do its utmost to aid the development of local policing capabilities » so that the Haitian police force no longer relies on U.N. troops « as the main providers of security » in the country.
Resolution 1820 refers to rapes and gendered-based violence as “a tactic used to humiliate, dominate, instill fear, disperse and/or forcibly relocate civilian members of a community or ethnic group”.  It also stresses that such violence could significantly exacerbate conflicts and impede peace processes, or in the case of Haiti, derail the rebuilding process completely. With such strong language, many Haitians argued, the lack of an immediate response from the United Nations to increasing violence in displacement camps is unjustifiable.
Rapadoo,